My Letter to the MIAC Committee
Yes, it's long. Yes, it's detailed. Will this have any impact whatsoever on Missouri's attempts to establish legislative oversight over the Missouri Information and Analysis Center? I am still waiting on a response. If I get one, I will post it here.
26 June 2009
Representative Bob Dixon
Interim House Committee on State Intelligence Analysis Oversight
Missouri House of Representatives
201 W. Capitol Ave.
Room 315
Jefferson City, MO 65101
Dear Representative Dixon:
I am writing your Committee from Maryland, not only out of concern that I may have been profiled as a person who voted for Ron Paul as President, but as one who believes that fusion centers like the Missouri Information and Analysis Center are a danger to the Constitutional rights that Americans hold most dear. Maryland is one of at least three other states that has considered legislation concerning fusion centers in the past two years. I would like to discuss legislation in Maryland, Virginia, and New Mexico--both as a way of cautioning you about the shortcomings and pitfalls of the legislation-- but also to point out the efforts of legislators in other states who have bravely worked to place limits on the workings of the fusion centers, using the Constitution as their guide.
In April, Maryland passed House Bill 311, the Freedom of Association and Assembly Act of 2009. This bill was offered in response to an ACLU report that peace and anti-death penalty activists had been the subject of surveillance by the Maryland State Police for a period of 14 months. The State Police used various covert techniques to collect data on the activists, then entered it into the State Police’s Case Explorer Database. This information was further disseminated into the federal High Intensity Drug Trafficking Database (HIDTA)--one of the partner agencies of Maryland’s fusion center, the Maryland Coordination and Analysis Center. Through freedom of information requests, the Maryland ACLU was able to discover that over fifty peaceful activists had been listed in the HIDTA database as potential terrorists. The ACLU also discovered that the Baltimore City Police was collecting information on these activists and sharing it directly with the National Security Agency.
According to the Congressional Research Service report, “Fusion Centers: Issues and Options for Congress,” (pp. 13-14), most fusion centers use a part of the federal code (28 CFR part 23), which gives guidelines for “criminal intelligence systems operating policies.” 28 CFR part 23.20 specifically states that information about persons engaged in activities protected by the First Amendment can only be collected if the agency can establish “the existence of reasonable suspicion of criminal activity.“ This standard is surely based on the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, which allows warrants to be issued only “upon probable cause.”
These regulations were supposed to protect activists from unreasonable spying, but the Maryland State Police watched over them without regard to their Constitutional rights. The ACLU and Maryland State Senator Jamie Raskin believed that legislation, not regulation, would allow the people and elected officials to properly monitor the activities of the State Police. The first bill introduced, MD HB 182, adopted much of the language of 28 CFR part 23 in an effort to codify the regulations into state law. This bill proposed the standard of “reasonable, articulable suspicion of criminal activity” as the only reason for investigating activists otherwise engaged in lawful First Amendment activities--and such investigation could not occur unless a prior written finding was submitted first. HB 182--again, basing its language on the Code of Federal Regulations--would have also required written authorization for each act of transmission of data to other agencies, would have required written proof of the accuracy of the data, and would not have permitted the information to be “disseminated to a nonlaw enforcement agency.” But the Maryland House Judiciary Committee did not recommend this bill for full consideration of the House of Delegates…indeed, according to the Maryland ACLU, the Maryland State Police vigorously opposed the bill, which simply asked for protections that they should already have been following under the Code of Federal Regulations.
The bill which eventually passed, MD HB 311, still requires that a police chief submit written authorization showing “reasonable suspicion of criminal activity” before covert investigation can begin; information collected is required to be “accurate,” though without written justification; and “membership…in a group or organization engaged in lawful First Amendment activities does not alone establish reasonable…suspicion of criminal activity.” What this bill does not address is how information might be shared in criminal intelligence databases such as the Maryland Case Explorer Database or the HIDTA database; the Maryland State Police have until 2010 to develop regulations to address these concerns. So the larger question of what to do with these databases is given over again to the State Police, and the question of how the information on these activists might have been passed on to the Maryland fusion center remains unaddressed by this legislation. I wrote the Maryland ACLU with these concerns, and they agree with my interpretation. Although the Maryland Freedom of Association and Protection Act of 2009 might sound good to the average voter, it does in fact allow the Maryland Coordination and Analysis Center to operate without significant oversight by the Maryland legislature and certainly not by the citizens of Maryland.
One important protection in Maryland HB 311 that I have not yet mentioned is that persons who believe they may have been wrongfully watched may request information from law enforcement under the Maryland Public Information Act. However, in March, 2008, Virginia passed legislation which specifically exempted materials and databases of the Virginia Fusion Intelligence Center from the Virginia Freedom of Information Act--in defiance of Virginia’s Open Government Law. Virginia House Bill 1007 left citizens and lawmakers with no means of judging whether the Virginia fusion center might be following Constitutional guidelines in its everyday operations. The Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) also suspected that the federal government may have made passage of this law a requirement for its funding of the Virginia fusion center; they filed Virginia Freedom of Information Act Requests to the Virginia State Department of Police and the Virginia Department of Emergency Management for documents which might have shown this federal involvement, but without success. EPIC asked for a year to study this involvement in February, 2008...but the legislation passed in April of the same year. It is still not completely known what influence the federal government may have had over this piece of state legislation; the Constitutional implications of this are, to say the least, very disturbing.
New Mexico State Representative Mo Maestas, along with the New Mexico ACLU, also introduced a bill which aimed to protect persons engaged in political activity from unreasonable investigation. This bill proposed unusually strong protections, including the right of persons to submit complaints to the State Attorney General and the right of a person to “bring a civil action against a law enforcement agency that has collected, maintained or shared information about the person in violation” of the bill. Significantly, New Mexico House Bill 431 said that the definition of “law enforcement agency…includes a law enforcement agency of the federal government or of any other state or political subdivision of a state…”. This clearly would cover the activities of a fusion center, which typically includes information shared from databases of federal, state, and local agencies.
But this bill was not recommended for further consideration. The Fiscal Impact Report, issued on January 31, 2009, shows that the Administrative Office of the District Attorneys and the Public Defender Department of New Mexico did not agree that this was a good piece of legislation. According to the Public Defender Department, “enactment of this bill may alleviate potential problems implicating the First Amendment’s right of association. The bill would prohibit criminal investigations and the compilation of the names of individuals and groups based solely upon political, social or religious activities and beliefs…”. Although Maryland’s HB 311 offered virtually the same protection, the District Attorneys of the State of New Mexico declared that “this legislation would completely interfere with and gut good investigative practices.” Further, the District Attorneys assert that this legislation would “render useless the costly statewide/nationwide deconfliction and intelligence systems that have been in place…”--this, I am sure, is a reference to the New Mexico fusion center. The report concludes: “The collection, maintenance and sharing of such information (religious, social views and actions) is of heightened concern due to post 9/11 intelligence concerns.” Clearly, the District Attorneys are not comfortable with the concept of protecting the First Amendment rights of its citizens, nor do they wish to affect the workings of the New Mexico fusion center, the All Source Information Center.
There is no one lesson that can be drawn from the stories of these three pieces of legislation, but there are a few key themes that can be discerned. Clearly the proposed protections of the Maryland and New Mexico legislation, especially with regard to information gathering about activists and the dissemination of data to other law enforcement, were perceived as a threat to the investigative abilities of law enforcement and of district attorneys. How can legislation be designed that properly honors both the First Amendment rights of peaceful dissenters and allows law enforcement effective use of investigative tools? As I am not an attorney or a legislator, I am not sure if there is room for compromise here, but these competing interests surely bear consideration.
Another theme is that of the role of federalism, which perhaps was the factor in the adoption of Virginia House Bill 1007. It is concerning that the federal government may have forced passage of this legislation by making it the condition of the funding for the Virginia fusion center.
Finally, the ACLU and the Congressional Research Service have pointed out the ambiguities created by the role of the federal government in the running of the fusion centers. Although the centers are run by states, not the federal government, their partner agencies include federal, state, and local governments. They are regulated by federal regulations such as 28 CFR 23 and the Privacy Act of 1974, but theoretically also by the laws of the states in which they operate. These centers concern themselves with the investigation of terrorism, which is largely a federal crime. In my view, any legislation which seeks to oversee the operation of the fusion centers should also examine the proper role of the federal government and its laws over centers which perhaps should be considered to be state agencies.
These centers are run largely without state or federal oversight. Because of their secrecy, it is difficult to tell whether they operate in ways consistent with the Constitution, and whether they give proper consideration to the laws of their host states.
Finally, the ACLU and the Congressional Research Service have pointed out the ambiguities created by the role of the federal government in the running of the fusion centers. Although the centers are run by states, not the federal government, their partner agencies include federal, state, and local governments. They are regulated by federal regulations such as 28 CFR 23 and the Privacy Act of 1974, but theoretically also by the laws of the states in which they operate. These centers concern themselves with the investigation of terrorism, which is largely a federal crime. In my view, any legislation which seeks to oversee the operation of the fusion centers should also examine the proper role of the federal government and its laws over centers which perhaps should be considered to be state agencies.
These centers are run largely without state or federal oversight. Because of their secrecy, it is difficult to tell whether they operate in ways consistent with the Constitution, and whether they give proper consideration to the laws of their host states.
I have not chosen to focus on the specific profiling of rightwing dissenters which was put forth in the MIAC’s report, “The Modern Militia Movement.” Even if MIAC chooses to redact names given to certain categories of dissenters, it does not make much difference if MIAC or any other fusion center can still collect and disseminate information in defiance of Constitutional protections.
I hope you will keep my views in mind, both as you conduct these interim committee hearings this summer and as you pursue Missouri House Bill 1138, which seeks to establish an oversight committee within the Missouri Information Analysis Center. I wish you boldness in facing whatever challenges you may encounter. I believe that any attempt to balance security and freedom should come down on the side of freedom. As Benjamin Franklin said: “They who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.”
Regards,
References:
References:
“ACLU of Maryland Lawsuit Uncovers Maryland State Police Spying Against Peace and Anti-Death Penalty Groups”
http://www.aclu.org/police/spying/36025prs20080717.html
http://www.aclu.org/police/spying/36025prs20080717.html
ACLU’s Maryland Public Information Act Request
http://www.aclu-md.org/aPress/Press%202006/MPIA_Request_Letter.PDF
http://www.aclu-md.org/aPress/Press%202006/MPIA_Request_Letter.PDF
Congressional Research Service, “Fusion Centers: Issues and Options for Congress”
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/intel/RL34070.pdf
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/intel/RL34070.pdf
Code of Federal Regulations, Title 28, part 23: Criminal Intelligence Operating Policies
http://ecfr.gpoaccess.gov/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=ecfr&sid=b9ee2d01721dd0b02a12a9e91b40ab31&tpl=/ecfrbrowse/Title28/28cfr23_main_02.tpl
“Cindy Boersma: ACLU: Rein in police spying legislation--not regulation--will ensure statewide, uniform rules”
http://www.gazette.net/stories/10092008/policol171528_32478.shtml
http://ecfr.gpoaccess.gov/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=ecfr&sid=b9ee2d01721dd0b02a12a9e91b40ab31&tpl=/ecfrbrowse/Title28/28cfr23_main_02.tpl
“Cindy Boersma: ACLU: Rein in police spying legislation--not regulation--will ensure statewide, uniform rules”
http://www.gazette.net/stories/10092008/policol171528_32478.shtml
Fiscal and Policy Note, Maryland House Bill 182, p.6, “Hearing in Judicial Proceedings Committee”
http://mlis.state.md.us/2009rs/fnotes/bil_0002/hb0182.pdf
http://mlis.state.md.us/2009rs/fnotes/bil_0002/hb0182.pdf
“EPIC v. Virginia Department of State Police: Fusion Center Secrecy Bill”
http://epic.org/privacy/virginia_fusion/
EPIC FOIA Request, Virginia State Police
http://epic.org/privacy/fusion/VA_FOIA021208.pdf
http://epic.org/privacy/virginia_fusion/
EPIC FOIA Request, Virginia State Police
http://epic.org/privacy/fusion/VA_FOIA021208.pdf
EPIC Letter to Virginia State Senate: “Re: HB 1007: Open Government and the Virginia Fusion Intelligence Center”
http://epic.org/privacy/fusion/Letter_to_Senate_02_25_08.pdf
http://epic.org/privacy/fusion/Letter_to_Senate_02_25_08.pdf
New Mexico House Bill 431 (First Session, 2009)
http://legis.state.nm.us/Sessions/09%20Regular/bills/house/HB0431.pdf
http://legis.state.nm.us/Sessions/09%20Regular/bills/house/HB0431.pdf
Fiscal Impact Report, New Mexico House Bill 431
http://www.nmlegis.gov/Sessions/09%20Regular/firs/HB0431.pdf
http://www.nmlegis.gov/Sessions/09%20Regular/firs/HB0431.pdf
New Mexico Independent, “Civil Liberties Advocates Want Law to Guard Against Domestic Spying”
http://newmexicoindependent.com/14871/civil-liberties-advocates-want-law-to-guard-against-domestic-spying
http://newmexicoindependent.com/14871/civil-liberties-advocates-want-law-to-guard-against-domestic-spying
